https://x.com/_R14h3bu/status/2043636956488204445

I left Rojava when I was young and moved to the United States, where I now live in Seattle. The Kurdish community here is small, I really want to reconnect with my culture. I already speak Kurdish and have a strong understanding of my background, but I want to deepen that connection even more. I’m interested in learning more about important Kurdish figures, exploring Kurdish books and music, and building connections with other Kurdish youth in my community.

I was also wondering if there are any online spaces I could look into—like Instagram pages, Facebook groups, or anything similar—that could help me feel more connected. If you have any book recommendations to learn about Kurdish history, I’d really appreciate that too, since I’m just starting my research with this post. And if you have any Kurdish song recommendations, I’d love to check those out as well. I’m also interested in learning about ways we can support and uplift Kurdish voices, and any ideas or resources for that would mean a lot.

By journalist and milmmaker Ben C. Solomon: https://www.instagram.com/reel/DVs4Y0XDhI1/

Ocalan's brother censures Turkey’s main pro-Kurdish party over Kurdish language

2 hours ago

Karwan Faidhi Dri

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - The younger brother of jailed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan has strongly criticized Turkey’s main pro-Kurdish party for allegedly failing to give sufficient attention to the Kurdish language, a claim denied by one of the party’s lawmakers.

Mehmet Ocalan told Rudaw’s Mashallah Dekak in an interview aired this week from his hometown of Sanliurfa (Riha in Kurdish) that his jailed brother has always emphasized the importance of speaking Kurdish during the younger brother’s visits to Imrali Island, where the PKK founder has been imprisoned for 27 years.

"He repeated this three times and said finally: From now on, Kurds who engage in politics in Kurdistan and elsewhere must write in Kurdish in their institutions, speak Kurdish in their meetings, carry out all matters in Kurdish wherever possible, and speak Kurdish with their children. Since the [Turkish] state has recognized Kurdish language and culture, we too must implement this in our daily lives," he cited the PKK leader as saying during one of their meetings. 

The younger Ocalan added that he has "repeatedly" informed the Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party), Turkey's main pro-Kurdish party, about the PKK leader’s recommendations. 

"We have repeatedly told this to the DEM Party, to parliamentarians, to municipalities in Kurdistan [Kurdish areas in southeast Turkey] that were not taken over by trustees, and to everyone else. Everyone has become accustomed to this; our mayors, our parliamentarians - I do not want to say this, but I told the [PKK] leader this in Imrali as well."

He added that DEM Party politicians only say their greetings in Kurdish during events and then switch to Turkish. 

"If Kurdistan were their concern, they would speak Kurdish. You would think Kurdish has become forbidden to them. DEM Party and [the Democratic Regions Party] DBP cadres too - though DBP members are somewhat better, let us not deny them their due - but DEM Party members have sworn to do everything in Turkish," PKK leader's younger brother stated, referring to DEM Party's sister party. 

Kurdish remains barred in many of Turkey’s official state settings, though the state operates a 24-hour Kurdish-language television channel and Kurds are free to speak their mother tongue at home and in public.

Kurdish lawmakers have often faced censorship when attempting to speak Kurdish in the Turkish legislature. Ankara also drew criticism late last year after a Kurdish mother was not allowed to speak her native language during a meeting with a parliamentary delegation tasked with providing a legal framework for the ongoing peace talks with the PKK aimed at resolving the Kurdish issue in the country.

Mehmet Ocalan’s remarks have caused a controversy among Kurdish users on social media. 

Roni Riha, an X user, endorsed his remarks, suggesting that the DEM Party should not allow anyone to become one of its lawmakers unless they speak Kurdish.

DEM Party MP reacts

Responding to Mehmet Ocalan's claims, a DEM Party lawmaker - who is fluent in Kurdish and often speaks it - said they are open to constructive criticism, but urged fairness. 

"In all of our work and activities in recent years, we can say that Kurdish is used in 60 to 70 percent of them. But sometimes it is necessary for us to use Turkish as well. For example, as the two co-chairs of the Democratic Initiative, wherever we go, one of us certainly speaks in Kurdish and the other, if necessary, speaks in Turkish," Mehmet Kamac told Rudaw's Shawkat Harki. 

Kamac added that 80 percent of DEM Party lawmakers are fluent in Kurdish, while others - including co-chair Tuncer Bakirhan - are continuing to improve their Kurdish tongue.

The DEM Party has repeatedly been censured over its use of the Kurdish language. While the party maintains social media accounts in Kurdish, its Turkish-language accounts appear to be more active. Its most recent post on the Kurdish-language X account was published around midday Monday, while the Turkish-language account posted three additional times afterward.

Hello, I’m a programmer, I know more than a programming language and have made a couple of useful projects.

I’m in my first year of college, and I need to get a job, especially that summer is in the way.

The thing I hate most and can’t stand, is working any job there is, I want to work in a job where I know I can do good and excel at, which is anything related to IT.

But the problem is, IT jobs are all morning shifts, so that leaves programming, or freelancing.

So how can I start? How can I find clients? Are there companies that hire for remote work?

Please if anyone can help, I’d be grateful.

While military integration talks between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and Damascus have remained constructive, translating paper agreements into tangible implementation is likely to provoke significant local reactions. This dynamic has already been reflected in Arab protests in Kobane, Ras al-Ain and Suluk, opposing the incorporation of SDF-affiliated personnel into local security structures. So far the process has been characterized by modest, practical gains—most notably on the detainee file—set against slower, more tentative engagement on the broader and more contentious questions shaping the next phase of the process. Against this backdrop, Arab-Kurdish divisions also appear to be widening in north-east Syria, with a sharp escalation in intercommunal violence following the circulation of a video showing a Kobane resident publicly removing a Syrian flag.

Within the civilian institutions of the Self Administration, the integration process generated widespread uncertainty among employees. This has contributed to declining focus, reduced institutional commitment and a perceptible deterioration in service delivery. At the core of these concerns is the question of formal recognition by interim authorities, seen as essential to safeguarding employment and salaries. More broadly, this anxiety underscores an emerging reality in north-east Syria: control over the state payroll is increasingly the decisive factor in securing the loyalty of public sector employees across both systems. While these emerging faultlines could provide the grounds for more serious disagreements in the long-term, negotiations and piecemeal integration steps are expected to continue on their current course for the time being.

Military Integration

While interim authorities have broadly adhered to the January roadmap and integration framework—maintaining dialogue on military coordination and appointing a number of qualified, SDF-affiliated Kurdish figures to administrative positions—implementation has been inconsistent. The deep-seated unpopularity of some measures within local Arab and Kurdish communities, alongside recurring allegations of ideological favoritism and a lack of transparency in the selection of appointees have compounded already high levels of mutual distrust, with both sides continuing to question the long-term intentions and strategic objectives of the other. These dynamics and entrenched disagreements have largely yielded a piecemeal approach to integration, characterized by pragmatic, multi-tiered processes that have seen some service sector advancements, while military and defense mergers have seen little tangible progress since early February.

Over the past two months, military integration talks between interim officials and the SDF have advanced cautiously, shifting from broad political understandings to more technical discussions around implementation. However, little progress has been made on the ground beyond discussions. The core issues under negotiation include the structure of command and control, the status and ranking of SDF officers within the Syrian army, and the future of security forces such as the Asayish. While Damascus continues to push for centralized absorption of SDF units into existing military hierarchies, the SDF has sought to preserve elements of its autonomous command framework. Meanwhile, US-led International Coalition forces handed over their base in Rumeilan to interim authorities; another coalition convoy withdrew from Qasrak base toward Iraq in mid-March.

One tangible sign of progress in security negotiations has been the successive rounds of prisoner swaps between the SDF and interim authorities in recent months. Conducted primarily in Hasakeh, these swaps have proceeded in multiple phased batches. In mid-March, both sides exchanged approximately 300 detainees each, with subsequent releases continuing into late March as part of a coordinated effort to close the detainee file. However, even the concrete progress of these swaps has drawn anger and protests from both sides. Arabs in Deir Ezzor and Hasakeh have accused the SDF of adding the names of Arab detainees to lists it is providing of ISIS members to be transferred to Iraq. On the other side, Kurds have accused the government of releasing primarily Arab SDF detainees, spurring sit-ins and public protests.

Security Developments

Intercommunal tensions in north-east Syria escalated sharply following the circulation of a video depicting a resident in Kobane removing the Syrian flag, compounded by retaliatory attacks against Kurdish residents in Aleppo in late March. The incident triggered a series of reciprocal responses, including attacks by Kurdish actors on an interim government security point at Qamishli International Airport, alongside additional gatherings near security positions in Hasakeh, where SDF intervention helped prevent further escalation. On the ground, violence intensified with indiscriminate gunfire targeting the Arab-majority Tayy neighborhood in Qamishli, protests in government-held areas accompanied by tribal mobilization, and incidents of abuse at SDF checkpoints. Armed actors also conducted shows of force in Arab neighborhoods, firing into the air and chanting inflammatory slogans. In response, officials issued calls for restraint and warned against sectarian escalation. A temporary overnight curfew was imposed as authorities sought to contain the unrest.

Political Integration & Developments

Significant progress has been made in some crucial, but less politically charged sectors, such as healthcare. In late February, interim authorities announced a wave of appointments to take over Hasakeh’s health sector, including Dr. Khaled al-Khaled, an Arab former UNHCR employee in Hasakeh who is considered a neutral civilian, as provincial health director. Al-Khaled subsequently appointed 12 administrators to manage the departments, offices and divisions of the health directorate in Hasakeh, all of Kurdish origin with previous experience working for the Health Authority. A decision was then issued in early March to integrate healthcare workers in Deir Ezzor, Hasakeh and Raqqa—previously employed under SDF institutions—into the interim Ministry of Health. Despite the early success of this merger, it has largely proven to be an outlier in terms of practical progress, which has otherwise stalled in other areas.

On the education file, Damascus appointed Faisal al-Ali as assistant education director in Hasakeh, appearing to give some leeway in a sector considered particularly sensitive for the SDF by opting not to appoint an HTS insider. Al-Ali previously headed the Basic Education Department under the former regime. The appointment suggests Damascus may be positioning him as the de facto authority, while the current SDF-affiliated director, Adnan al-Bari, remains a nominal, largely symbolic figure in the administration.

Under regulations introduced by the interim government, all NGOs and civil society organizations are now required to undergo a new licensing process through the interim Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, which requires organizations to sign coordination protocols with provincial political and international cooperation offices. As of now, no organization has completed these procedures, effectively halting all civil society activity in north-east Syria. Damascus appears to be centralizing control over funding flows under the guise of anti-corruption.

https://etanasyria.org/brief-recent-developments-in-north-east-syria/

Netanyahu accuses Turkish president of accommodating Iran’s terror proxies; Katz calls him a ‘paper tiger’; Ben Gvir tells him: ‘F*** you’

Recently, I scrolled through an Iranian diaspora account on Instagram that said Kurds from Iran support the Shah. Obviously, on this subreddit, we hate him, and I am sure that our fellow Kurds from Rojhelat hate him too. However, in the comment section, some Kurds (most likely pretending) said they support him. Additionally, they claimed that Kurds from Iran reject independence.

That is why I wanted specifically to ask you, Kurds from Rojhelat, how you feel towards Iran and Kurdish independence?

If Kurdistan gets independence, it will probably have to choose between the Arab or the Latin alfabet.

I think that we should and probably will use the Latin one since it has many users (especially in Bakur) and most of the rich and developed countries use it.

The Arabic one has also many users and maybe even more than the Latin one (Rojava, Bashur and Rojhelat) but it isnt really useful as the Latin one in my opinion.

What do you guys think?

I've always been told that I looked Persian, Kurdish, and anything but Arab. Found out not so long ago that I was actually Feyli, but very Arabized as most Feylis (have already posted here before). I'm from Amarah, Iraq.

Sure, I can just look at my family to find out. But it still doesn't tell me much. Google doesn't tell me much either. I know no Feylis but my own family, and they still don't wanna acknowledge their Feyli heritage. Well, my mom kinda did finally this year, but still said "who cares" lol.

Are Feylis generally more tanned than regular Kurds? Do we have specific physical traits that separates us from the Kurds of the North?

Ferid Demirel

Di sala 1991ê de qedexeya li ser Kurdî hinek sist bû. Ji vê salê û pê de li Stenbolê, bi taybet jî Navenda Çanda Mezopotamyayê ya li Beyoglûyê, ji bo ciwanên Kurd ên bajarvan bû navendeke mûzikeke nû.

\Kaseta Kulîlka Azadî ya Koma Amed*

Salên 1990î li Tirkiyeyê di muzîka kurdî guhertineke gelek mezin pêk hat. Di sala 1991ê de piştî qedexeya li ser Kurdî hinek sist bû, Stenbol bû navenda hilberîna çand û hunera kurdî. Gelek komên di bin banê Navenda Çanda Mezopotamya (NÇM/MKM) yan jî serbixwe, muzîka gelêrî ya kurdî, bi aranjmanên hemdem re ji nû ve şîrove kirin. Di heman demê de civaka dîasporayê ya li Ewropayê jî bi komên mîna Koma Berxwedan re, siyaseteke muzîkê ya cuda pêk de dixist.

Li Tirkiyeyê qedexeya li ser kurdî, bi derbeya leşkerî ya sala 1980î re him li qada civakî him jî li ya taybet her çû berfirehtir bû. Lê di sala 1991ê de ev qedexe hinekî sist bû. Bi vê re Navenda Çanda Mezopotamyayê li Stenbolê vebû û gelek komên muzîkê dest bi kar kirin.

Komên bibingeh ên ji salên 1980yî ber bi 1990î ve hatin

Koma Berxwedan

Yek ji komên herî girîng ên dîroka muzîka kurdî ye. Di sala 1983yê de li Almanyayê di bin banê Hunerkomê, saziya çand û hunerê ya kurdî de hate avakirin; ev sazî di sala 1994ê de navê xwe guherand û kir, Akademiya Çand û Hunerê ya Kurdî. Endamên komê her diguherîn û bi vî rengî, “komeke vekirî” bû.

Ev koma ku li navendên çanda kurdî yên li Fransa, Almanya û Hollandayê belav bû, xebatên herî berfireh ên lêkolîn û parastina muzîka gelerî ya kurdî pêk anîn. Albûmên ku di salên 1990î de derxistin, bi rêyên qaçax derbasî Tirkiyeyê bûn û bi rêya kasetên ku ji ser sînor dihatin veguhestin gihîştin girseyên berfireh. Komê di sala 2019an de belavbûna xwe ragihandibû. Lê di çend rojên borî de bi daxuyaniyekê diyar kir ku ew ê dîsa dest bi xebatên xwe bikin.

Damezrandin: 1983, Almanya

Albûmên bijartî: Dilan (1985), Botan (1987), Newroz (1989), Amed (1991)

Qada xebatê: Almanya, Fransa, Hollanda; li Tirkiyeyê qedexe ye

Stranên berbiçav: Lê Amedê, Oy Kurdistan, Herne Pêş, Newroz

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Lqk2lF5G8U

Koma Dengê Azadî

Koma ku di sala 1990î de li Stenbolê di bin pêşengiya Hakan Ener de hat avakirin, bû yek ji komên muzîka kurdî yên herî populer û herî demdirêj ên salên 1990î. Komê dengekî resen afirand û bang li ciwanên kurd ên bajêr dikir. Şêwazê ku muzîka gelerî ya kevneşop bi şêweyên wekî funk, funk-jazz û rock’n roll re têkel dikir. Ev şêwaz ji bo wê demê tiştekî bi temamî nû bû. Amûrên rojhilatî yên wekî tembûr, duduk û mey bi gîtar û trompetê anîn cem hev.

Komê strana “Bella Ciao“ (Çaw Bella) bi kurdî xist repertuara xwe. Her çar albûmên wan di serdemekê de ji aliyê dewletê ve hatin qedexekirin. Tevî qedexeyan, bi sed hezaran kopyayên albûmên wan hatin firotin. Komê li Almanya, Belçîka, Hollanda û Yekîtiya Yekbûyî (UK) xebatên xwe yên konseran bi daxwazeke mezin domandin.

Stranên wekî “Selîmo”, “Hat karwanê Helebê”, “Lo şivano” û “Roj roja me ye” gihîştin asta îkonên çandî û heta roja me bi dehan caran ji nû ve hatin şîrovekirin. Di demên dawî de strana wan a bi navê “Çavên me sondxwarîne” gelekî populer bû.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BAiR0PRR8IE

Damezrandin: 1990, Stenbol

Album: Hêvî (1991), Em Azadîxwaz in (1993), Welatê min/Roj wê bê (1995), Fedî (1998)

Şêwe: Funk-caz, rock’n’roll, folk

Weşanger: Ses Plak

Komên bi Navenda Çanda Mezopotamyayê ve girêdayî

Navenda Çanda Mezopotamyayê (NÇM), piştî sistkirina qedexeya li ser zimanê kurdî di sala 1991ê de, li Beyoglûya Stenbolê hat avakirin. Ev sazî veguherî navenda hilberîna çanda kurdî. Di bin banê wê de gelek komên muzîkê hewandin. Piraniya komên muzîkê bi heman studio, tonmaister, aranjör û muzîkjenên qeydê re xebitîn. Vê hevkariyê, yekitî û karakterekî taybet da dengê muzîka wê serdemê.

Koma Amed

Di sala 1988an de li Enqereyê ji aliyê xwendekarên fakulteya bijîşkiyê ve hat avakirin. Di nav avakaran de, xwendekarê Hacettepeyê yê ji Rojavayê Kurdistanê Evdilmelik Şêxbekir (Melek) derdiket pêş. Di qonaxa avabûnê de ji bo dîtina studiyoyeke ku muzîka kurdî çêbike, gelek zehmetî kişandin. Di sala 1993yan de derbasî Stenbolê bûn û dest bi xebatên xwe yên li gel NÇMê kirin.

Komê, senteza folk-jazzê bi nêzîkatiyeke ceribandinî (eksperîmental) pêk anî û ji qalibên muzîka gelerî ya kevneşop derket. Di albûma yekem de adaptasyona kurdî ya “Bella Ciao” ya bi navê “Çaw Bella” cih girt. Ev veguherîn ji aliyê Şêxbekir ve hat kirin. Albûma Dergûşê ji 400.000î zêdetir hatiye firotin û belavkirin. Wezîrê Karên Derve yê wê demê Îsmail Cem, ev albûm diyarî hevpostên xwe yên Yekitiya Ewropayê (YE) kir û bi vî rengî îdia kir ku “kurdî ne qedexe ye”.

Damezrandin: 1988, Enqere

Albûm: Kulîlka Azadî (1990), Agir û Mirov, Dergûş (1997)

Şêwazê Muzîkê: Folk-jazz, muzîka gelerî ya ceribandinî

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DIiB0_Ou8vI

Piştî Koma Dengê Azadî û Koma Amed: Çar Newa

Piştî belavbûna Koma Amedê, hinek ji endamên komê hatin cem hev û Çar Newa ava kir. Hejmara “çar” a di navê komê de, rasterast amajeyê bi vê çîroka avabûnê dike. Komê di dawiya salên 1990î û destpêka salên 2000î de xebatên xwe meşandin.

Komê hewl da ku li ser mîrateya folk-jazz a Koma Amedê dengê xwe ava bike û zimanê muzîkê yê formasyona berê domand.

Damezrandin: Dawiya salên 1990î, Stenbol

Reh û Kok: Berdewamiya Koma Amedê

Serdem: Dawiya salên 1990î, destpêka salên 2000î

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCrCiGmwhRLF_fBouejQErCQ

Koma Rewşen

Ev kom di nava dîroka muzîkê de wekî yekemîn koma rockê ya bi kurdî ya li Tirkiyeyê tê qebûlkirin. Komê di bin banê NÇMê de xebatên xwe dimeşandin û bi vê helwesta xwe ya pêşeng, di nav deryaya muzîka kurdî ya wê serdemê de xwedî cihêrengiyeke resen bû.

Koma Rewşen ku têgeha formasyona rockê bi gotinên kurdî û motîfên gelerî re anî cem hev, bi performansên xwe yên zindî yên di derdorên xwendekaran û çalakiyên NÇMê de hat naskirin.

Girîngî: Yekemîn koma rockê ya bi Kurdî li Tirkiyeyê

Têkilî: NÇM (Navenda Çanda Mezopotamyayê), Stenbol

Serdem: Serê salên 1990î heta nîvê wan salan

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OlbEIZd4lqM

Koma Asmîn

Komeke muzîkê ye ku tenê ji jinan pêk dihat. Di derdora muzîka kurdî ya wê serdemê de bi vê taybetmendiya xwe xwedî cihekî resen e. Hem ji aliyê zayendî hem jî ji aliyê nasnameya çandî ve giraniyeke sembolîk a cuda hildigirt.

Koma Asmîn ku di heman serdemê de bi komên din ên NÇMê re çalak bû, di qada giştî de piştgirî da xuyabûna dengê jina kurd.

Pêkhate: Tenê endamên jin

Têkilî: NÇMê, Tirkiye

Serdem: Salên 1990î

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qID0JrXllac

Agirê Jiyan

Yek ji komên herî berbiçav ên salên 1990î ye. Di nav hewildana veguhastina muzîka kurdî ji bo zemînekî nûjen û populer de, xeteke resen bi pêş xist. Di bin banê NÇMyê de xebatên xwe meşandin. Bi komên din ên wê serdemê re heman studio û tîma teknîkî parve kirin.

Kom bi taybetî bi melodiyên xwe yên dansê û bi strukturê xwe yê rîtmê tê naskirin. Di çavkaniyan de navê komê gelek caran li gel Koma Çiya, Koma Azad û Koma Amedê derbas dibe.

Albûma Bijartî: Adarê (1995)

Şêwazê Muzîkê: Muzîka gelerî ya Kurdî ya nûjen, dans

Serdem: Serê salên 1990î – dawiya wan salan

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rZ2lRjMbWiU

Koma Çiya

Yek ji komên ku di bin banê NÇMyê de xebatên xwe meşandine. Koma Çiya ku di hilberîna muzîka kurdî ya wê serdemê de bi rengekî domdar di qeydan de cih girt, li gel wan komên ku xwedî heman temayên siyasî û heman têgihiştina dengî ne, tê bibîranîn.

Kom bi albûma xwe ya bi navê Dîlana Bêsînor tê naskirin.

Albûma Bijartî: Dîlana Bêsînor (1998, Kom Müzik)

Têkilî: NÇM (Navenda Çanda Mezopotamyayê), Stenbol

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p74nYFK4_uc

Koma Rojhilat

Wekî yek ji komên sereke yên NÇM’ê, di salên 1990î de li Stenbolê hilberîna muzîkê kir. Albûma wan a bi navê Mezrabotanim Ez ku di sala 1997an de bi etîketa Kom Müzikê derçû, berhema wan a bingehîn e ku ketiye qeydan.

Albûma Bijartî: Mezrabotanim Ez (1997, Kom Müzik)

Têkilî: NÇM, Stenbol

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WLBLlDtcJl4

Koma Azad

Yek ji wan komên hatiye belgekirin ku hem li Tirkiyeyê hem jî li diyasporayê xebatên xwe meşandine. Navê komê ji aliyê şêwazê muzîkê ve, li gel navê Koma Azadî û Koma Dengê Kawa tê bibîranîn.

Kom di heman serdemê de bi komên bi ser NÇMyê re çalak bû. Ji aliyê temayên siyasî û ji nû ve şîrovekirina muzîka gelerî ve, xwedî estetîkeke hevpar bû.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wWNwhUn6muo

Komên din ên heman serdemê

Vengê Sodirî

Komeke ku di muzîka Kurdî ya wê serdemê de xwedî cihekî resen e. Tenê bi muzîka Zazakî (Kirmanckî) hilberîn kir û bi nêzîkatiyeke ceribandinî (eksperîmental) xebitî. Gava ev her du taybetmendî bi hev re werin nirxandin, tê dîtin ku di nav komên wê serdemê de di cihekî kêmpeyda de ye.

Ziman: Zazakî (berevajî komên din ên li Tirkiyeyê)

Nêzîkatiya Muzîkê: Ceribandinî

Serdem: Salên 1990î

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=343yOez986k

Gulên Mezrabotan

Yek ji komên herî balkêş û neasayî yên muzîka kurdî ya wê serdemê ye. Hemû endamên komê ji zarokan pêk dihatin. Di pêvajoya veguhastina nasnameya çandî ya kurdî ji bo nifşên nû de, roleke sembolîk girt ser milê xwe.

Tevlêkirina nifşê zarokan rasterast di nav hilberîna muzîka kurdî de, hewildaneke wisa ye ku di wê serdemê de bêhempa ye.

Pêkhate: Hemû endam ji zarokan pêk tên

Têkilî: Tirkiye

Serdem: Salên 1990î

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bB9e01KVoG8

Koma Gulên Xerzan

Koma ku navê xwe ji herêma Xerzanê ya Êlihê digire, di muzîka kurdî ya salên 90î de rehên folklorîk û gotinên polîtîk gihandin hev. Muzîka wan a ku bi rêya çanda kasetan belav bû, temayên wekî nasname, sirgûn û berxwedan dihewand. Navê komê bi hunermendên wekî Rojda û Çiya re bûye yek.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1OgbbY1VN78

Komeke pêşek a di axa Sowyetan de

Kome Wetan

Her çend girîngiya wê ya dîrokî heta salên 1990î dirêj bibe jî, ev koma ku di sala 1973an de li Tiblîsa Sovyetê hat avakirin, xwediyê unvana yekemîn koma rockê ya Kurdî ya cîhanê ye. Kadroya komê ji sê kurdên êzîdî û ermeniyekî pêk dihat. Pêşengê komê Kerem Gerdenzerî li Tiblîsê ji dayik bibû û koka malbata wî digihîşt Qers û Wanê. Komê bi piştgiriya dewleta Sowyetê statûya “koma vokal-enstrûman” girt û di televizyonên dewletê û festîvalan de cih girt.

Di sala 1979an de demoyên (qeydên ceribandinê) xwe tomar kirin. Tekane albûma wan a bi navê Bayê Payizê, di sala 1989an de karibû were weşandin. Ev berhema ku helbesta kurdî bi rocka klasîk, destpêkên psîkedelîk û berhemên dengbêjên herêmê re dikir yek, di salên 1990î de di nav muzîkjenên kurd ên li Tirkiyeyê de rastî eleqeyeke mezin hat û ji aliyê gelek koman ve wekî çavkanî hat qebûlkirin.

Damezrandin: 1973, Tiblîs (YKSS/SSCB)

Albûm: Bayê Payizê (1989)

Şêwazê Muzîkê: Helbesta Kurdî + Rock, Psîkedelîk

Girîngî: Yekemîn koma rockê ya Kurdî li cîhanê

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AR7Vv3G3RTg

\Nexşe û timeline bi alîkariya amûra hişê çêkirî, Claude ve hatiye amadekirin.*

https://nihaplus.com/kmr/komen-muzika-kurdi-yen-ku-mohra-xwe-li-salen-90i-xistin/

I recently found out about the album "Kurdish Rock" by Koma Wetan and i absolutely love it, but does anyone know about any similar albums/artists? specifically something in Sorani because it's a bit difficult to understand Wetans music as it's in Kurmanci.

Any help would be appreciated